Norther Ireland: Loyalists Prevail (But Sinn Féin gain…)


Despite what the anti-British traitors at the BBC, Guardian and associated acts may report, this week’s election in Northern Ireland was very much a non-issue in a constitutional sense as it marked the continued domination of public thought by unionists. Whilst it may not be business as usual in terms of an immediate power sharing settlement being reached, there is certainly no cause for alarm amongst those of us who believe in Northern Ireland’s place within the United Kingdom, despite modest gains made by Irish republican party Sinn Féin.

The results of the 2nd March election are somewhat skewed anyway by the fact that the overall size of the Northern Irish Assembly at Stormont has been reduced from 108 seats to 90 seats, something which was always going to disadvantage the unionists considering they had the most seats to lose. Having said that, the overall vote share of the largest unionist party, the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) did decrease. This is somewhat offset by the (modest) increase in the share of the popular vote seen by the second main unionist party, the Ulster Unionist Party (UUP).

Full results of the Northern Ireland Assembly elections, 02/03/17.

The turnout for this election was 64.7%, a whole 10% greater than the elections in 2016. This is reported to have favoured Irish republican areas, as turnout in these areas was greatly increased by as much as 10% or more, whilst turnout in unionist seats either stagnated or dropped in comparison to last year. This is put down to the ‘scandal’ that caused the power sharing agreement to breakdown in the first place, whereby the Irish republicans manufactured a crisis based on trumped up grievances regarding renewable energy schemes. They then proceeded to whip up anger amongst the republican community, thus motivating them to turn out in large numbers.

However, the unionists must take their share of the blame for this problem. The fact that turnout in unionist areas stagnated or dropped evidences a great complacency in Northern Ireland regarding its constitutional status. Since the end of ‘the Troubles’ in 1998, British unionists/loyalists have been complacent in their status as holding the dominant position in the country, whilst believing they can rely on the British government to prevent any further conversations on the issue of a ‘united Ireland’.

Complacency breeds the death of civilisations. Rome fell for this very reason, as have all other great civilisations and the British realm is no different. We lost our empire thanks to a complacency and a failure to address subversive and disruptive ideologies and there is a danger that we may lose even more with a renewed separatist verve in both Northern Ireland and even Scotland. If the unionists in Northern Ireland stop fighting for the cause, then what they know will slip away from them before their very eyes.

Furthermore, the DUP are fooling themselves if they expect the British government in Westminster to come to their aid. Whilst it is true that Theresa May’s Conservative government has placed a greater emphasis on unionism, it is now considered politically incorrect to halt the spread of cancerous Marxism-fuelled separatism on our islands. Any attempts to reaffirm the union are met with rabid attacks from the BBC and the other leftist media outlets, making it politically unpopular to exercise our constitutional rights in Northern Ireland. Should the unionists slip further behind in the polls to a point that triggers talk of unification plebiscites, the central government will be close to powerless to support them.

However, for now this is not an issue. The vote share of all the unionist parties amounts to 46.2%, whilst the only two republican parties of any note, Sinn Féin and the SDLP, make up 39.9% of the vote share. This is not a comfortable margin by any stretch of the imagination and whilst it is only a modest change in favour of republicans since 1998, it is a concerning trend. The unionists will be the dominant force for the foreseeable future, but in one or two decade’s time we could be looking at a situation where the loss of Northern Ireland from the United Kingdom could become a real possibility.

The unionists need to realise (quickly) that appeasement is not the way forward and that they must be stronger and louder if they are to defend their place in the United Kingdom.



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